| Converging Vision and Integrating Mission towards Bilisummaa:
The Resounding Political Calculus of the Oromo Liberation Struggle
|
| Date: |
January 15, 2006 |
| Source: |
The Oromo Liberation Council (OLC) | |
Reckoning all political factors and dynamics churning and chocking the Empire State of Ethiopia at present, the demise of the ailing empire is fast approaching. So much so that the traditional political power brokers of the empire are scrambling to resuscitate it from a complete collapse. The Tigrean-led political force currently governing Ethiopia is making every effort to cling to power and remain the caretaker of the empire. On the other hand, the Amhara-led political groups are maneuvering to reclaim power. As the prime beneficiaries of the Ethiopian empire, both groups are in a tug of war for political power: the power that assures either of them to rescue the empire from crumbling so that a winner would continue exploiting the economic resource of the empire. Albeit relentless efforts and eleventh-hour racing of both political forces, a disintegration of the empire is fast looming.
It is becoming more imminent that the Tigrean or the Amhara political elites cannot sustain the Ethiopian Empire any longer. They seem to have run out of afresh-political ploys: ploys that have thus far somehow glued the fracturing empire. The present ruling body of the empire, the Tigrai People's Liberation Front (TPLF), is left with no political means to prolong the empire. It has fully resorted to physical means, and it is now using deadly arsenals to maintain the empire.
In the past, when possible, both Amhara and Tigrean political elites framed and employed some kind of deceptive ideological means to maintain the empire. During the era of feudal Ethiopia, religion was used as a prime ideological base to promote the integrity of Ethiopia. The Orthodox Church and institutions of monarchy served as vehicles in disseminating the ideology of Ethiopiawinet (the Ethiopian nationalism anchored on the core value of Abyssinians). Such institutions coupled with educational establishments that assumed the role of assimilating the various ethno-nationals in the empire into Ethiopiawinet did help to an extent in welding the empire together. In due course, this ideology proved decadent and short of salvaging the disintegration of the empire. A growing resistance of the Oromo and other oppressed nations against the oppressive imperial system got to a latent stage. At last, a surge of revolutionary movement of these nations for self-determination and the subsequent downfall of the late emperor Haile Sillasie forced the Amhara political elites to soul search for an alternative ideology that could help prevent the dissolution of the empire.
Soon enough the Amhara elites found socialism as a fitting ideology of the time. Following the 'discovery' of socialism, they embarked on the crusade of propagating this ideology. They swore that socialism would fully address the national question of all oppressed peoples in the Ethiopian empire. For those well tuned to the Abyssinian political mind set, this desperate move of ideological switch of the Amhara elites was merely to delude the subject peoples. It was never intended to genuinely redress the grievance of oppressed nations; doing so was obviously against their interest. It was just another ploy to buy time for the decaying empire. However, not conscious of this fact, some sectors of the oppressed nations, especially some intellectuals, bought into this ideology. Ironically, these intellectuals embraced the ideology so much so that they excelled the Amhara elites in promoting it and in consequently prolonging the empire.
After nearly two decades of fanning socialist ideology, the Amhara ruling class ran into another revolution threatening the stability of the empire. At the turn of the 90s, the socialist ideology could not contain the political upheaval that was simmering in Ethiopia. The ideology was doomed to failure not only in Ethiopia but also through out the world. This obviously became a nightmare situation for the Abyssinians, especially for the Amharas. They lost the ideological tool to manage the empire. This situation brought the empire to another crossroad: the crossroad where Ethiopia reached a point of no escape from break up. With no more readily available ideological gimmick and crafty or savvy political move of the Amharas, the empire sustained the first crack: a crack through which Eritrea escaped from the forced union - the empire.
In the aftermath of the departure of Eritrea, the Abyssinians devoted their first order of business to devising a means to keep the remaining part of the empire intact. The Tigrean-led political force, the TPLF, as a new custodian of the empire at the helm of the political power, set on a mission of identifying and fine-tuning an ideology that could serve as a political leverage to sustain the remaining part of the empire.
The once avowedly Marxist-Leninist TPLF did not take much time to change heart. It took off its communist cloak no sooner than it left the highland of Tigrai for Finfinne. It realized fairly soon that its communist ideology was bitterly detested within the empire and rejected globally. As a result, it had no choice but to heed to its survival instinct. Aside from Kilashinkov on its shoulder, the need to arm itself with a different ideology was the order of time and a means to keep the Ethiopian empire together. Political upheaval for sweeping revolutionary change of the empire coupled with the change of the landscape of international politics corned the TPLF to choose democracy and market economy over its Marxist ideology. It has swiftly become 'born-again democratic political entity'. It pronounced that all political problems in the empire would be addressed democratically and democracy would be nurtured to promote individual and group rights of all peoples of Ethiopian empire.
This pronouncement of the TPLF has soon proved very deceptive. It has become another ploy of the Tigrean political elites to redeem the Ethiopian empire from disintegration. It embraced democracy not so much it genuinely believed in democratic virtues; not because it felt the trial and tribulation of nations and nationalities under oppressive rule of Abyssinian political elites and wanted to address their political questions through democratic means. It was purely meant to consolidate its political power and keep the territorial integrity of the remaining empire.
After supposedly experimenting with the application of democracy for the last fourteen years, the TPLF has failed to get democracy take root in the Ethiopian empire. This is so not because of lack of participation of the peoples of Ethiopia in democratic process. It is solely because the TPLF has never been and can never be keen in nurturing democratic values within the Ethiopian society. What has precluded (remains to preclude) the TPLF from promoting democracy is the fundamental contradiction embodied within its two-pronged mission. On one hand, it has embarked on the mission of keeping intact the Ethiopian Empire that has been built through brute conquest of oppressed peoples. On the other hand, it professes to uphold and promote democracy. However, while running oppressive political establishment of the Ethiopian Empire as its custodianship, it cannot operate as a democratic political entity. The two are mutually exclusive. What remains fact is its boisterous noise pertaining to democracy and its delusive action of seeming to institute a semblance of democratic system that may be acceptable to the outside world. Apart from this, the TPLF still remains foreign to democracy, never tolerates political dissent, tramples upon human rights, and suppresses national groups trying to exercise their democratic rights. In general, the TPLF has never allowed (never will allow) freedom of speech, press, and association under its rule. As a result, today the empire is back to square one. It is in great turmoil and drifting to another major crossroad.
It appears no sophisticated political art beyond the traditional Abyssinian ideological deception could save the empire from the current onslaught. In all likelihood, this seems to be the last historical junction when the fate of the Ethiopian Empire is going to be determined. Soon enough we may see it crumbling. We may see the Ethiopian Empire no longer defying the historical fate of collapse that all empires in the world had faced in the past. Nonetheless, if somehow, against all odds, the Ethiopian Empire survives the present crisis, it would not be as a result of any political shenanigan of the Tigrean-led or Amhara-led political forces. It would be totally a function of different factor.
Unfortunately, that factor may turn out to be the Oromo factor. One might wonder how the Oromo factor could play out in the current political dynamics in order to give the Ethiopian Empire a breather. There are two possible scenarios. One is that the Oromo political forces may fail to coordinate their efforts quick enough to launch the final assault on the rusting political establishments of the empire. In this case, the weakness in the camp of the Oromo national movement would give some political space and time for the Abyssinian political forces to regroup themselves for the salvation of the empire. The other is that some Oromo political forces could opt to resolve the Oromo political question within the legal framework of the constitution of Ethiopia. This situation might reform the empire and help extend its life span. In the eventuality of both cases, the downfall of the Ethiopian empire could be delayed.
To day the prayer of the Abyssinian political elites is for the above two scenarios, more so the later, to unfold within the camp of the Oromo political forces. Whereas, on the other hand, the Oromo nation is bracing itself that such forces would come to their senses to reflect on the predicament of the Oromo people and rise to the occasion and make the most pragmatic political move that would once and for all retract the Oromo from the colonial relation with Ethiopia.
Given this situation of the Oromo people, what obviously seems most ideal political move on the part of the Oromo political forces is to serve in the best interest of the nation. It is to heed to the call of the nation. Above all, it is to respect and work on the realization of the wish and aspirations of the Oromo nation.
How is the wish and aspiration of the Oromo nation for freedom realized? Various Oromo political organizations dealt with this question long ago. However, it seems to resurface at the turn of every political event in the Ethiopian Empire. For instance, the May 2005 election in Ethiopia has triggered the question afresh. During the event leading up to the election, we witnessed learned Oromos debating on the question intensely and passionately. The debate had been whether or not the Oromo aspiration for freedom could be fulfilled through electoral engagement in the Ethiopian political landscape. Lately, the merit and demerit of possible negotiated settlement of the Oromo question is hotly debated.
Apparently, the engagement of conscious and concerned Oromos in such debates is to seek the most practical political line that the nation ought to follow to attain its freedom. The debate is obviously important. However, it must wind down at some point. Time is of the essence that the Oromo people must soon articulate clearly and unambiguously the political aspiration of the nation in one national voice. Without having a clear consensus on this issue, the Oromo national struggle would undoubtedly get shackled with internal challenges and fail to emerge as a force to secure and protect the aspiration of the nation- bilisumma.
Presently, there is an argument that the Oromo national aspiration for freedom could be attained within the Ethiopian political context. Ardent supporters of this line of argument assert that the Ethiopian empire could be reformed; that democratization would change the empire into multinational state; that in democratizing the empire both individual and group rights of various peoples would be respected. This line of political struggle of engaging the TPLF-led government of Ethiopia, they argue, is more pragmatic and expeditious in securing freedom for oppressed ethno-national groups in the empire. To substantiate their argument, they raise quite a few points. Let's see some of the main points and their fallacies.
First, they say that the great western powers are against the disintegration of any member states of the UN, more so one like Ethiopia where the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa region and the global fight against terrorism dictate its territorial integrity. In this respect, they argue, pursuing a protracted arm struggle is futile.
This argument is based on pure assumption to make such a far-reaching conclusion. In just recent past, under various circumstances, many member states of the UN have dissociated. Nations that waged national struggle for self-determination got their independence, seceding from countries that annexed them, some with and others without the blessing of the western powers. There are some others that freed themselves despite mounting opposition of some western countries, especially the US. The western powers give or deny tacit endorsement for liberation movements by looking at each case from the vantage point of mainly their respective national interests. We argue that the Oromo national liberation struggle and the emergence of independent Oromiyaa under no circumstances counters or stands against the interest of the west. In actual fact, the birth of Oromiyaa will usher a new era when stability, peace, development, and prosperity reign in the region. More specifically, the giant Oromo population with shared democratic heritage, the Oromo nation endowed with rich natural resource and the high potential for economic growth, and the Oromo as the most peaceful and civil nation can set a foundation for harmonization of political and socio-economic relations with the peoples of the region. The secular Oromo movement that aims to liberate Oromiyaa would then unleash the potential of the free Oromo people who can politically stabilize the region. The evolution of such a condition in the region would appeal to and intersect with the national interest of the western powers. Therefore, provided we present our national cause to the world clearly and effectively and work at it diligently using all methods of struggle deemed necessary, no factor would make the effort of the nation to liberate itself a futile undertaking.
Second, they warn that it is an uphill battle to persuade the international community to accept the Oromo cause over Ethiopia, 'an old and long recognized state and one of the founding members of both the UN and OAU (now AU).'
As a matter of fact, the international community could have a reservation to immediately support the Oromo cause. However, as the tainted political baggage of the Abyssinian political leaders and the most oppressive political system of the Ethiopian Empire are gradually revealed to the world, the so-called image of Ethiopia will diminish. It has already diminished in the eyes of many nations. More so, when the cause of our nation is promoted incessantly and when the Oromo movement makes major strides and scores some tangible gains and keeps demonstrating its progressive nature, the image of Ethiopia will fade away and the Oromo cause will get more recognized, and it can eventually overcome all barriers and enjoy the support of the international community.
Third, they indicate that it does not make any economic sense to disintegrate a state in the era of globalization when several states should actually coalesce and form one politically and economically stronger state.
This point is valid only where freedom prevails. In actual fact a unification of states for greater economic good is the order of the time. However, any political and economic integration of states to take place, freedom and democracy must prevail as preconditions. Such fundamentals lack in Ethiopia for nations to stay together and fully partake and benefit from the global economy. Political and Economic co-operations that are taking place in some parts of the world are not the continuation of empires but expressions of shared interests based on the free will of independent nations.
Last, they point out that peaceful means of struggle for political accommodation of the Oromo people within the Ethiopian empire would draw much more sympathy and support from the international community than arm struggle for separation, which could be construed as a terrorist movement.
This argument misses one important fact. That is, the Oromo nation is always ready to settle its political problem with Abyssinian political forces peacefully. However, the nation is forced to raise arm only in self-defence. The international community must be made aware that the nation is struggling to assert its inalienable right – the right to freedom. As such it is using various forms of struggle to free itself from the Abyssinian colonial bondage. Of course, arm struggle is one. Its arm struggle is in reaction to cycle of violence, terror, and genocide that the Abyssinian rulers perpetrate on the Oromo people. While this is the fact, especially witnessing the ongoing Ethiopian state terrorism, the Oromo liberation movement that is part and parcel of the global movement for freedom, democracy, peace and development would and should not be misunderstood.
Generally, at face value some of their arguments may sound reasonable. It may actually seem to make some sense when seen in light of their apparent presupposition that democracy will somehow sprout in Ethiopia. However, there is one fundamental question that organizations or individuals who uphold this line of argument must answer. What is the likelihood that the Abyssinian political elites would embrace democracy and live up to the expectation of its values? When we say democracy here, we mean genuine democracy that allows oppressed people in Ethiopia to freely determine the political fate of their respective nations. We are very pessimistic that the Abyssinian (Tigreans/Amharas) elites will ever entertain such a democratic polity.
Our pessimism emanates from experience of political interface that the Oromo nation has had with the Abyssinian elites for a long time. The Oromo experience is brutal colonization in the hand of Abyssinians. It is political subjugation, economic exploitation, and cultural oppression. While the Oromo nation is struggling to set itself free from the colonial bondage of Ethiopia, the Abyssinians are leaving no stone unturned to find a way to keep the Oromo as a subject people. The nation has suffered and remains suffering under typical colonial oppression; just as Algerians had under French, Kenyans had under British, and Mozambicans had under Portuguese. By all measures, the Oromo nation has actually suffered the most under anachronistic and barbaric Euro-Abyssinian colonial system. This form and magnitude of oppression cannot be redressed through token democracy.
One other experience is, in order for the Abyssinians and their political organizations to demonstrate that they can uphold democratic values and may redress historical injustice through constructively engaging oppressed nations in democratic process, Oromo political forces had given them the benefit of the doubt; not just once but repeatedly. However, in every moment the Abyssinians have miserably failed the Oromo and other oppressed nations. For instance, the 1974 and 1991 turn of political events in Ethiopia are cases in point. In both cases, the Abyssinians had ample opportunity to substantially address the question of self-determination of various nations. They could have captured the moments and brought about a sweeping political change: a change that would have fostered a conducive political climate for the peoples of the empire to peacefully seek the best possible political arrangement out of the current gridlock. Instead they have chosen ways of refining their oppressive political system to keep the disenfranchised nations politically marginalized.
Furthermore, let alone attempting to resolve the burning question of self-determination of the Oromo and other nations democratically and through negotiation, the Abyssinians elites hardly recognize this very question. They never appreciate the pain and suffering their political system has inflicted on their subjects. They show no remorse for their actions. We observed when white South Africans stood by black South Africans, most notably by the side of the ANC, and fought the injustice of Apartheid. We heard about white Americans who marched with Afro-Americans during civil right movement and fought a racist system in the USA. Yet, while the form and degree of oppression of the Abyssinian colonial system is by any measure worse than that of Apartheid system in South Africa and racism in America, we have not encountered a single conscientious Abyssinian intellectual who stood up for the cause of oppressed peoples in the Ethiopian Empire.
Experiences mentioned earlier aside, it would suffice to draw a lesson on the readiness of Abyssinians for democracy from the May 2005 election. We have seen just how much the TPLF could accommodate political opponents. Peoples in Ethiopia have exercised their limited rights and rejected the TPLF in the election. However, despite international condemnation of the TPLF on the rigging of the election results, it has remained in power through sheer force of intimidation, torture, incarceration, and blatant murder of people who venture to exercise their rights.
When we take all these experiences into account, we find it very intriguing to identify any Abyssinian political force with which the Oromo nation could potentially partner to negotiate with and settle its political dispute. We may go extra mile and extend olive branch to the TPLF to peacefully settle the Oromo national issue, but the chance that TPLF can reciprocate in kind is very slim. We see no element of democratic attribute in the TPLF. Some may anticipate that the TPLF under international pressure would be forced to make political transformation. For those who bank on this notion, rest assured that it is a very remote possibility for it to budge under only external political pressure any soon. By the time the TPLF exhibits any such sign of democratic and liberal behaviour, our nation will have paid an enormous sacrifice in human and material terms.
In light of this fact, the Oromo political forces must take a different and more realistic route to achieve freedom for the Oromo nation. The way to go for a lasting freedom is to struggle for the debacle of the oppressive Abyssinian political system embedded in the Ethiopian Empire. This system cannot be reformed. It must be uprooted. Like all liberation forces in Africa, the Oromo forces must seriously and with full heart consider to get rid of such oppressive system and decolonise their country, Oromiyaa.
We fully realize this is not an easy undertaking. As Nelson Mandela said: “There is no easy walk to freedom”. The struggle for the liberation of Oromiya would demand a monumental sacrifice. It would have enormous challenges. However, just because of the magnitude of sacrifices it could entail and challenges it could face, the fundamental goal of the Oromo national movement should not be compromised.
We strongly urge all Oromo liberation forces to remain on track of struggling for the objective of liberating Oromiya. Attempting to resolve the Oromo national question through democratization of Ethiopia is futile. It is futile because democratization requires a tremendous transformation of political culture on the part of Abyssinian elites. Such a transformation would mean relinquishing their colonial legacy of political and economic control of Oromiyaa. They are not ready and won't voluntarily be ready for such state of democracy to evolve. Also, striving to settle the Oromo issue through negotiation with the TPLF or any other Abyssinian political entity now is illusion. This is because the Oromo forces are not presently posing any major military threat to force the TPLF to a negotiation table. Tossing the idea of democratization or negotiation would render false hope for our people who desperately yearn for freedom. The very introduction of such idea in the Oromo body politics severely hampers the progress of the Oromo liberation struggle, causing factions and stunting organizational growth and development. In this respect, our liberation struggle has already felt the pinch. As a result, the Oromo liberation forces have to adhere to the vision of liberating Oromiyaa and pursue a relentless effort of translating the vision into action without wobbling but with resolve and determination.
We argue that should the Oromo liberation forces close their rank and embark on the realization of the objective of liberating Oromiyaa they would succeed in their endeavour fairly soon. Some of our spin-doctors warn us that pursuing this line of struggle would entail incalculable sacrifice and astronomical challenges, and it would take enormous time. We agree it won't be a tea party. But we totally disagree with their gloom and doom forecast that leads our people to believe that the liberation of Oromiyaa is an impossible undertaking. We are optimistic that the Oromo political forces unwavering stance and action on the liberation of Oromiyaa would make it a possible mission.
We are very optimistic mainly for the following reasons:
- The political powerhouse of the Oromo nation is enormously resourceful. We have politically seasoned nation that rejected the Ethiopian political establishments; a nation that has rallied behind forces advocating liberation. This situation would give a significant political edge for Oromo forces over the colonizing Abyssinian political forces.
- The opportunity of organizing and mobilizing the humungous Oromo populace at home and abroad is tremendously greater when and if Oromo political forces are approaching the Oromo people with one objective: the objective of liberating Oromiyaa.
- The Oromo political forces would grow and develop organizationally under this grand objective of the nation. The emergence of such a developed and modern organization would in turn appeal to a cross section of our society and encourage much more participation of Oromo women, youth, workers, peasants, entrepreneurs, professionals, and intellectuals in the political process of liberation.
- With broader participation of the nation in all facets of the struggle, the Oromo national liberation struggle would secure more capable, seasoned, and acceptable national leadership drawn from the cross section of our society.
- With emergence of such an advanced national organization and a superb leadership, the cause of our nation would be presented to the international community effectively. This will help promote the cause of our nation worldwide. It will help get diplomatic doors opened with relative ease. In due course, movers and shakers of international politics would listen to appeals and political campaigns of the Oromo nation for freedom.
- Well co-ordinated and systematic forms of struggle could be launched through out the nation as long as our people solidly rally behind the objective of national liberation. Arm struggle is one facet. The nation is forced to raise arm in self-defence against invasion forces of the TPLF. The international community is not naïve to see such a freedom movement as a terrorist one. If it does, it should be tirelessly educated to know and better understand the fundamental cause of our struggle. As our struggle will be led by the best and the brightest, it would get a reasonable guidance to observe all international norms while waging our struggle for freedom.
- There would be a potential for a united Oromo political forces leading the nation with the objective of liberation of Oromiyaa and demonstrating its resolve in action to gain major political clouts that would discourage proliferation of Oromo political organizations, stunt the development of proxy political entities, and draw Oromo nationals working in the enemy (the TPLF) camp towards the struggle.
- A political force that the Oromo people fully rally behind would earn recognition and respect of neighbouring nations aspiring to free themselves from the TPLF oppression. This in turn would give it some edge to work with and seek political cooperation of nations sharing similar experience of oppression with the Oromo. Alliance could easily be formed and concrete action could be taken against the TPLF to end its oppression once and for all.
Therefore, it is high time that we as a nation make a clear choice. That choice should not be seeking political reform of the Ethiopian empire. This has been attempted and failed, and in the future the chance of succeeding in the endeavour of refurbishing the empire to gain some political accommodation for the Oromo nation is quite infinitesimal. We should not pursue on the same track. It is a choice that would entail an inordinate amount of sacrifice in political, economic, and social life of our people. This choice would amount to leaving our nation to the mercy of inevitable cyclical crisis in Ethiopia.
We argue that the right choice is to embark on setting the Oromo nation free from the colonial bondage of Ethiopia. The root cause of the Oromo political predicament is the colonial system of the Ethiopian empire. This system cannot lend itself for reform it must rather be dismantled.
Oromo political forces subscribing to this direction of the Oromo national movement shoulder hefty responsibility in carrying out the mission of bilisummaa. Realizing this fact they must consolidate their efforts and embark on the mission with resolve. The time is when they should constructively engage each other and the nation with haste to attain some concrete gains for the movement. The time is when rhetoric should be matched with tangible and demonstrable actions. They must make a major departure form the temptation of slash and burn politics and fully focus on the order of business of the nation. They must lead the movement with farsightedness, political maturity, patience, understanding, dedication, and seriousness of purpose that would captivate the Oromo people to actively involve and contribute towards the realization of the objective the Oromo national movement for bilisummaa.
We have stated earlier that with this crystal clear objective and unparalleled dedication towards its realization, the Oromo national liberation struggle would have ample opportunity to succeed. The time to harness the opportunity is now. The TPLF is approaching the edge of its graveyard. It is facing a barrage of political assault from all directions. Its shoddy political means of survival has worn out. In the eye of the international community, its image has been tarnished as its so-called fledgling democracy has gone down the drain. The TPLF political life now rests entirely on the muscle of its Agazi Troops. It is high time that Oromo liberation forces converge their visions and integrate their missions for the purpose of organizing and mobilizing our people effectively to challenge the TPLF now when it is in most vulnerable state.
While the Tigrean-led axis of Abyssinian polity is in such state, the Amhara-led axis is in no better state. It still remains a regressive political force in the empire. With its political outlook that is as obsolete as the empire itself it has become an obstacle for change in the empire. Such archaic political thinking of the Amhara led groups must be further exposed and dealt with and their hope for political power must be dashed.
Now there is so much political uncertainty in the empire. The world is watching closely how the political dynamics in the empire is unfolding. This is particularly true with those countries that have a stake in the peace and stability of the Horn of Africa Region. The traditional power brokers in the empire are at each other's throat. Oppressed nations are on the rise to get rid of Abyssinian political forces that are the prime causes of instability, the human misery, underdevelopment, and generally cyclical crisis in the region. As a result of the ongoing political turbulence, the foundation of the Ethiopian Empire is shaking and the regional peace is at stake.
Given the present state of political upheaval in Ethiopia, the international community is closely assessing political forces in the region. The Oromo forces are among many that are being scrutinized. They are put on political scale and being weighed carefully. They are being assessed whether they can be alternate forces that may politically stabilize the region.
It is therefore quite imperative that the Oromo political forces rise to the occasion, forge a common vision, consolidate their efforts and diligently work on the debacle of the oppressive political system of the Ethiopian empire and on the assurance of the world on the stabilization of the region. The time to act is now. The nation has to be mobilized to capture the moment, and let the struggle for securing the freedom of our nation continue with vigour.
Unity is Strength!!
Oromia Shall Be Free!!
|
::
The Oromo Liberation Council (OLC) ::
| | |
| |
