TPLF/EPRDF Invasion of Somalia

In a desperate move to be a super power in East Africa, The TPLF government of Ethiopia has recently invaded Somalia and has stationed its army in the country. The OLC condemns the TPLF for its aggression and hails all Somali people in their endeavor to protect the integrity of their nation. With this regard, some Somali leaders have sent an appeal letter to the United Nations (UN) denouncing the activities of the TPLF army in Somalia. Below is the whole context of that letter. “Renewed Interest in the Situation of Somalia” Somalia Liaison Office September 2, 1999

YOUR EXCELLENCIES, We, the undersigned concerned Somali political leaders, have read Your Excellency's report of 16 August, 99, to the Security Council about the situation in Somalia, with keen interest. We are pleased with the United Nations renewed interest in the situation in Somalia.

However, with due respect we would like to be frank, but modest in our submission appeal for Your Excellency's patience. The international community, by and large represented by the United Nations vis-a-vis Somalia, have over the years been repeatedly begging the question for the solution of the Somali problems. They have kept telling the Somalis to settle their problems while at the same time ignoring to curb interference by external actors into the domestic affairs of Somalia which have continued to fish in the latter's troubled waters. This foreign interference has since become a pattern of common practice by the government of neighboring Ethiopia in the face of the United Nations implicit policy of laissez faire.

This Ethiopian interference in the form of overt military incursions into Somalia, supply of armament to some Somali groups to encourage hostilities and instability in the country continues unabated and aborts any chances of a settlement. Ethiopia's official policy, as demonstrated by its own actions shown here below, is committed to thwarting the emergence of an effective central authority in Somalia for its own geopolitical interests. This is the reflection of a long-standing Ethiopian policy of expansionism. In September 1945, the Ethiopian government of Emperor Haile Sellassie submitted a memorandum to the then Peace Council (foreign ministers of the victor powers in the Second World War) who were meeting in London. The Memorandum urged that Eritrea and ex- Italian Somaliland should be handed to Ethiopia, 'not as recompense for the ten years struggle against the Axis, but as territories incontestably belonging to the Ethiopian Empire since before the Christian era'. (Reference: Ex-Italian Somaliland by the pro Ethiopian, Sylvia Pankhurst, page 217). Historically, there had been no such thing as Ethiopia before the last few centuries A.C., but an Abyssinia instead, which only composed of the Amhara and Tigre territories. Nevertheless, the mythical claim underlines an expansionist policy, which has not changed to this day and which has now been revived and emboldened by the current situation in Somalia.

Given the bitter history since the beginning to the sixteen-century A.C., of enmity and perennial mistrust between our two peoples, Ethiopia would be the lease likely honest broker in the Somalia reconciliation process. The O.A.U. acted without circumspection by mandating Ethiopia with the handling of the Somali problems. However, the mandate is both legally and morally invalid, because:

a. Somalia is not a dependent territory, but a sovereign state and members of the United Nations, despite the temporary absence from the international fora of a legally recognized government. Therefore, there is not entity legally empowered to mandate it to another without the consent of the Somali people. And, b. Ethiopia is poised to exploit Somalia's current situation for its own geopolitical and expansionist policies and entrusting the latter's fate to the former would be morally a mockery. The so-called mandate is, therefore, neither acceptable nor binding on the Somali people. In nutshell, Ethiopia:

Has since August 1996 made unprovoked incursions into Somalia and lastly now practically occupies the three Somali regions of Gedo, Bay and Bakol and threatens several other areas. Those military incursions have claimed hundreds of lives, most of them non-combatant civilians, damages to property and sacrilege to Mosques and other Islamic scriptures.
Has been supplying armament to some groups and individuals since No. 1996 to encourage continuation of hostilities in the country and retard indefinitely the process of reconciliation. This is a gross violation of the UN Security Council arms embargo. The quantities of know deliveries of small arms up to April this year are as follows:
1. To Egal 5,000 pieces of AK-47 rifles
2. Abdullahi Yusuf 4,000 pieces of AK-47 plus some mortars. The quantity earmarked was nine thousand pieces, etc, and the balance might have been delivered.
3. 'RRR' 2,000 pieces of AK-47 rifles, plus six mounted anti-tanks. d) 'Morgan' 1,600 pieces, plus six 106 anti-tanks. e) Ahmed Sh.Burale 500 pieces of AK-47 rifles, plus some mortars. f) Omar Hashi Aden 1,500 pieces of AK-47 rifles g) Hussein Bod and Musa Sudi twice seven truck loads during Nov-Dec 1996 and April 1999.The international media as shown below has 2000. reported the quantities of the first consignment and the second consignment is expected to be similar.
All the above arms delivered have been accompanied by abundant quantities of the corresponding types of ammunition.

The following independent press reports corroborate with Ethiopia's arms supplies
1. Africa confidential, Vol.38 (2) PP. 2-3, January 17, 1997. "The seven truck loads which arrived from Ethiopia's military base of Shilabo included one (truck) of Kalashnikov, plus 30 tons of ammunition, 20 tons of anti-tank and mortar rounds and 20 tons of missiles."
2. Horn of Africa Bulletin, 5/97,p., 19, "The situation deteriorated in areas... often fuelled by arms from Addis Ababa. In defiance of the United Nations policy, Ethiopian rewarded some.... Factions with substantial weapons consignments. Several recipients promptly put some on sale... where they were acquired by Ethiopia's opponents including Hussein Aideed."
Ethiopia's has proliferated the number of Somali political organizations from sixteen who had signed the Addis Ababa Peace Agreement in March 1993 to twenty-six during the Sodere meeting in November, 1996. This unilateral proliferation on the part of the Ethiopian government was in violation of consensus reached by the signatories of the above Agreement to restrict any increase of new factions, because of the past bitter experiences. Any such increase would be subjected to the full consensus of the signatories. Ethiopia thus unraveled the spirit of the above Addis Ababa Peace Agreement which it had co-midwived. In here Memorandum (Annex II) Ethiopian officials seem to complain about proliferation of initiatives in the Somali reconciliation process, forgetting that they were the ones who had proliferated these initiatives in the first place. In October 1996 President Daniel Arap Moi of neighbouring Kenya brought together three key players in the then continued hostilities in the Somali capital and got then sign an Understanding for peace, primarily aimed at resolving problems specific to the capital. This was to be the first step towards an eventual settlement of the long dragging Somali crises. Upon announcement of this process over the median and even before the ink was dry, Ethiopia hurriedly organized to convene a counter meeting. They not only invited the three signatories of the Nairobi Understand, among may others, but also impertinently pressured them while they were still the guests of the most senior and elderly African statesman, President Moi. We believe that president Moi's initiative could have succeeded if the Ethiopians would give it a chance, because not only President Moi was sincere, but we could also enjoy the trust of the Somali people.

Ethiopia has always wanted its monopoly over the Somali problems so that its geopolitical policies could become realizable while neither Kenya nor Egypt has any geopolitical interest against Somalia. In fact we always welcome IGAD's collective role in the Somali reconciliation and peace processes, but we do object Ethiopia's the traditional elders. The role of the traditional elders is apolitical in accordance with the Somali cultural values and should remain so, for the paramount interest of the Somali people. The decision of the traditional elders is always based on acceptable Somali values and is fair and just. This will not be the case if these elders become involved in politics, because they will be bound to take sides in controversial political issues and thus face losing their important traditional role. This is a phenomenon esoterically Somali in which whimsical proposals from outside are not helpful. The role of these elders is so important outside the political arena and this is one of the main reasons that Somalia still runs despite the absence of a central authority for almost the last ten years. The creation of an Upper House is therefore uncalled for at this stage. The emphasis should be on the restoration of central authority and normalcy in Somalia.

The positions taken by the ACP EU council (Para. 11 of the report); by the League of Arab States (Para.12) and by the OIC (Para.13) are all positive and we have noted them with satisfaction. The basis of the reconciliation process should be the unity of the nations and the country and on the basis of national structures, which existed at the overthrow of the previous regime, at end of January 1991. And not upon consideration of any new entities which have developed since the collapse of the nations state. The so-called building block approach is an Ethiopian brain-child, through which it encourages the development of mini clan based fiefdoms to under cut national cohesiveness and thus weaken any future central authority. It is therefore utterly unacceptable. The Cairo Declaration, which we recommend as basis of an agenda for a national reconciliation conference, stipulates federal governance which should suffice to safeguard the interests of the constituent units. The most important thins now, is the restoration of central authority, which will then address all internal anomalies and other issues. We have noted with interest your Under-Secretary's assurance (Para.40) of United Nations commitment to a political solution (of the Somali problems).

However, as Your Excellency knows only too well, political solution is dependent upon the attainment of a secured environment. In this vein, when the Security Council fails to enforce its own resolution on arms embargo on Somalia in the face of Ethiopian violations since 1996, it is not re-assuring how much reliance can be attached to above assurance. The United Nations had found easier to intervene in Somalia, but now finds hard to protect it from external aggression. The Ethiopian incursions into Somali territories during the last more that three years have been well covered by the international media and was even the subject of recent BBC interview of renown correspondent, Patrick Jukes, after his return from a visit to Somalia., Needles to say, Ethiopian aggression, including continued incursions, destabilization and gross violation of the Security Council's arms embargo in Somalia is a common knowledge to all concern. Only the United Nations is not sure (Para.30, 36,68,etc of the Report) because, in our view they prefer to look the other side. We earnestly request and submit, even if only for the record that the United Nations use their good offices and other means at their disposal to remove Ethiopians forces from Somali territories and restore respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Please accept Your Excellency and the assurances of our highest consideration.

Ali Mahdi Mohamed, Co-chairman, National Co-ordination Committee
Hussein Mohamed Aidid, Co-ordination Committee National Co-ordination Committee